Left fascism in Bengal sign now

Friends
What happened in Nandigram on 14 March 2007 is not first or new in the
last thirty years' history of West Bengal. If we look at the state terror
and criminal violence in these thirty years of Left-Front's rule, we
would realise the rise of a 'Left'-Fascism in West Bengal.
The name does not matter. It may be called a 'Pseudo-Fascism', or a
'Fascism', or a 'Totalitarian Police State', or even a 'Left-Front
Misrule'. But the facts remain same, irrespective of its partisan or
popular beliefs.
As per the CAG Report, at the end of March 2006, the debt of West Bengal
is 104202 crores of rupees, which probably cannot be repaid by selling a
major part of West Bengal mainland in cash! In the eyes of National Human
Rights Commission, West Bengal has an extra-ordianry cruel Police System.
According to NCERT, West Bengal's school education has 80\% drop-outs. All
these are natural in a Fascist State.
But we are presently concerned with the main and major symptoms of
Left-Fascism in West Bengal Police State. Which must be resisted, without
wasting time! Otherwise, who will pay the piper?
WE ARE neither for the 'Left' nor for the 'Right'. WE ARE for the

HUMANITY.
LET US UNITE AND RESIST THE RISE OF THE INHUMAN

LEFT-FASCISM IN WEST BENGAL.
The rise of Left-Fascism is not sudden. Its inhuman repressive system has
been gradually grown. We must look at its past in a bare outline, given
below.

Coronation 1977 with Bluff
After coming into power in 1977, the 'Left Front' Government of West
Bengal set up the 'Emergency Excesses Inquiry Authority, West Bengal'
(EEIA) consisting of Honourable Haratosh Chakraborti of the West Bengal
Higher Judicial Service, which was scheduled to be expired on 31 December
1978, the same day on which the Shah Commission of Inquiry established by
the new central government was also to be expired. Then by a notification
No.7800-H.S. of 30 December 1978, the Home Department (Special),
Government of West Bengal appointed a Commission of Inquiry with effect
from 1 January 1979, again consisting of Honourable Haratosh Chakraborti,
to deal with the complaints regarding the abuse of power, excesses,
malpractices, atrocities etc. 'committed during the period when the
Proclamation of Emergency made on 25 June 1975 under Article 352 of the
Constitution was in force or in days immediately preceding the said
Proclamation', and its official name was the 'Emergency Excesses Inquiry
Commission', popularly known as the 'Chakraborti Commission' (EEIC),
which was to submit its report with recommendations within 30 June 1980.
It was absolutely a false propaganda or mega-myth that the 'Chakraborti
Commission' was set up to inquire into the complaints of torture and
repression in 1970s in West Bengal. On the contrary, the Commission
(EEIC) in respect of a matter of March-April 1974 said [EEIC/VII-292/78]
that it was 'long before Emergency was proclaimed, so that this
Commission' had 'no jurisdiction to look into the matter'.
In 1977, in spite of tremendous political and mental pressure, I
personally never allowed our own family's 'Archana Guha Case' (a matter
of July 1974) to be filed before the Inquiry Authority or EEIA, so it
narrowly escaped from the glittering trap of the 'Chakraborti
Commission'.
The total number of complaints received by the EEIA and the EEIC was 478,
of which 122 cases were received from the Shah Commission of Inquiry, 103
cases from the newly formed State Government and 253 cases from the
members of the public. Out of all 478 cases, up to 31 December 1978, 289
cases were disposed of by the EEIA, which was not a Commission of
Inquiry. The First Interim Report of the EEIA in respect of 76 cases was
submitted to the Shah Commission on 20 September 1978 [Letter
No.372-EEIA]. Then the Second and Third Interim Reports of the EEIA in
respect of 213 cases disposed of up to 28 December 1978, printed as one
combined booklet 'For official use only', were submitted to the
Government of West Bengal, about which in a very short memorandum of
action consisting of only ten lines, the then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu
said : 'The recommendations of the Authority are being examined by the
Government. The Government proposes to initiate suitable action according
to law after the process of examination in each case is completed.'
It is also true that in its Reports, Honourable Haratosh Chakraborti on
behalf of the EEIA rejected most of the 213 cases for this or that
reason. Up to 7 May 1979, only 23 cases were disposed of by the
'Chakraborti Commission' (EEIC), which submitted its First Interim Report
on 11 May 1979 [Letter No.1269-EEIC], also printed as a booklet 'For
official use only', while the three Interim Reports of the Shah
Commission were being sold to the public from open sales counters!
Interestingly, the very short memorandum of action consisting of ten
lines signed by the then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu was identical to that
for the Second and Third Reports of the EEIA. Then the EEIC submitted its
Second Interim Report of 21 cases, of which 6 were noted to be examined
or considered by the memorandum of action signed by the Chief Minister on
6 March 1980, and it was said : 'The remaining cases contained in the
Second Interim Report under consideration have been recommended by the
said Commission for rejection', thus, 'no further action on the remaining
cases on the part of the State Government is required'. Though the EEIC
rejected some complaints in its Second Report, it is not true that it
rejected all the remaining cases, as said in the memorandum of the
Government of West Bengal. For instance, the memorandum absolutely
ignored the case against mala fide detention of Biman Hazra under MISA,
where the EEIC unambiguously recommended the prosecution of accused two
police officials under various sections of Indian Penal Code
[EEIC/VII-2/78].
How was this mythical Commission abolished? All the 'progressive'
intellectuals and civil-right-mongers deceived people by their lies for
27 years. One day, in 1980, a person, like a piece of wreckage, gave me a
typewritten note and said 'Can you do something?' I helplessly read it :
'A young boy and social worker residing at..........., Calcutta was
murdered by the following Police Officers on 16.8.70 in the night after
being arrested and taken to Shyampukur Police Station. Deceased's mother
filed a complaint before the Chakraborty Commission and after the notice
being served upon the said Police Officers by the Commission, they moved
the High Court and the police officers were virtually acquitted by the
High Court within a few days of moving the writ petition. Names of the
Police Officers..................'
In West Bengal, an entire 'Commission' could be stopped once for all by
an order of the High Court obtained by a few accused policemen, while the
Government did not move the High Court and Supreme Court properly for
justice.

Power after 1977
If there are 30 deaths in police custody in West Bengal during 1996-1997,
then at least 30,000 people are tortured in 1 year by the police, we can
guess. The police, usually, do not arrest a person to kill him or her in
their own custody. If they like to kill, they kill the prisoner in a
desolate place to hide their crime. Even in 1970s in West Bengal, we saw
a less than 0.1\% of the torture victims died in the police lock-up. Most
of the youths killed by the police were outside their lock-up. All the
deaths in police custody are due to torture. Thus the deaths are
important, but the more important is the torture in police custody in
present West Bengal which surpassed any record of the past and of any
other state in India.
Torture machinery in West Bengal is typical of the Totalitarian Police
State. It is ruthless and inhuman, at the same time naked, shameless and
overtly arrogant. The entire torture system in West Bengal has been built
up so cleverly and systematically, that the police and police stations
can torture people without any real danger of legal punishment and of a
fall from the power. In this respect, West Bengal is unmatched to either
Uttar Pradesh or Kerala.
In West Bengal, the government is allowed to suppress the public outcry
either by bullets or by most intelligent techniques of pacification. Thus
it does not matter, if some hundred stones are thrown at the police
station for some hours, if thousands of people go on demonstration
outside the police station, if some people or organizations hand over any
memorandum of protest, and if some newspapers publish the stories of
torture and repression. The rulers, the persons in authority, the
criminals know that, all these flamboyant tantrums are short-lived, and
are not at all mingled with consistent mass movements. So, the torture
system in West Bengal becomes not only systematically obstinate and
audacious, but also dares to be remarkably massive.
In Tongtala, the villagers were under repression for the eradication of a
spontaneous protest against arbitrary arrest. This phenomenon prevailed,
in other places, in other incidents, where people came forward against
police atrocities, sometimes encouraged by CPI(M), SUCI, Congress (I) and
other political parties, but pathetically, without being followed up by
any organized civil rights movements.
These spontaneous voices of the people were to be suppressed by the state
machinery of West Bengal, which during these 10 years from 1977 to 1987,
only reminded of the condition of the Gestapo of the Nazi police state in
Germany in 1934: ''The intelligence tasks they performed could, however,
suffer from adverse publicity. Hate piled up against Himmler and
Heydrich; after June 30 the murderers bearing the signature 'Avengers of
Roehm' showed the need for creating a 'parallel' secret network. It was
in this spirit that Heydrich gave an impetus to the recruitment of 'well
wishers'.....These camouflaged agents were recruited from every class of
the community....At the end of the war women formed the majority of these
informer networks. The well wishers had been baptised 'V.Mдnner', in the
other words 'men of trust'.'' (Jacques Delarue: The History of Gestapo,
Corgi Books, 1966, Page-129)

Criminal Pedigree of Seventies
After 1977, the new government never tried to legally proceed against the
criminals involved in the Baranagar and Kashipur massacres in 1971, not
to say the massacres of Howral, Barasat, etc. On the contrary, some
'ex-Naxalites', for their own survival, helped the ruling leaders to
appear at the annual lecture-ritual 'Baranagar Day', though the original
criminals are living freely under the government's umbrella. Even at that
annual lecture-rituals, rulers' touts do not tolerate any criticism
against the police. [Pratidin, 14.8.2002]

Totalitarian Power
In 1982, in Nadia district, the repression by the state machinery was
massive for eradication of 'Naxalite upsurge' before and after the
election 'at the gun-point' (Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 6.6.82).
Thus police party was surrounded by villagers and 'confined' for some
time in Canning area, 24 Parganas, after a man was killed in police
firing in March, 1983 (The Statesman (Calcutta), 6.3.83). A Large number
of Local people gathered near the beat office in Bartala village, in
Joynagar, 24-Parganas, and demonstrated in protest against the death of
12-year old Alpana Pramanik who worked at the police beat office, and
allegedly was raped and murdered by the policemen (The Statesman
(Calcutta), 3.6.83).
In June, 1983, the villagers of Kamarpara, Nadia District demonstrated
against the police about the death of 65-year old Biswanath Biswas, when
he was 'being' arrested by the Police (Aajkal (Calcutta), 1.7.83). On
5.9.83, the police of Tikiapara outpost lathi-charged a crowd of 300
people, who were demonstrating against the police for an incident where a
woman rice seller was dragged by a constable to a room in a bid to
'outrage her modesty' (The Statesman (Calcutta), 6.9.83). And the police
were backed by their unlimited power, and the torture became a part of
political doctrine. So, in February, 1990, the villagers of Guptipara,
Hooghly District, underwent massive torture and repression, even their
huts were destroyed, men and women were beaten inside and outside the
police lock-up (The Telegraph (Calcutta), 12.2.90). But in March, 1990
the people of Dasnagar, Jagacha, Bantra and Baksara in Howrah District
burst into protest against the inaction of the police when 16-year old
Sanjay Patra was shot dead by gangsters. Police fired on the crowd, and
injured many people, of whom 17-year old Prantik Mukherjee died (The
Telegraph (Calcutta), 18.3.90).
Chief Metropolitan Magistrate, Calcutta, directed the Deputy Commissioner
of Police, Detective Department, Calcutta to make a thorough inquiry into
the cause of Tarak Chatterjee's death in police custody. 'The Magistrate
said that when the accused Tarak was brought to court on August 13
(1984), he was unable to stand and was groaning in pain in the court
room. The Magistrate directed to send him to jail custody and directed
the Superintendent, Presidency Jail, to arrange for his proper medical
treatment. Later, it was reported that he fell sick inside the south
lock-up after he had been taken from the court. He was removed to the
Medical College Hospital where the doctor declared him ''brought dead''.
Tarak had multiple injuries on his body' (The Statesman (Calcutta),
21.8.84).
Various newspapers and journals, in the '80s not only published the
isolated news of torture and repression by police, but also, they
published some serious insight report on the 'deaths in the police
custody in West Bengal' (see, Paribartan (5.10.83), Ananda Bazar Patrika
(31.3.84), Pratikshan (17.4.84), The Telegraph (20,21, and 22.7.86 ),
etc.).
At the courts of law, in '80s the scenes were little different. The
people were raising their voice in the Court of Law against torture by
the police, more and more spontaneously, which could be the seeds of
civil and human rights movements in West Bengal, but in reality succumed
to malnutrition and treachery.
'Kamal Thakur Case' was the first known case in two decades from 1970,
which crossed the boundary of the High Court at Calcutta, successfully.
This case was won at the cost of the lives of witnesses, who were killed.
And finally Shailen Thakur, venerable crusader and father of Kamal, was
killed in a 'mysterious' road accident on 3 June 1990!
Rita Baidya complained of the 'electric shock' inflicted on her to the
Judicial Magistrate, Howrah (Jugantar (Calcutta), 29.8.84). A teenage
girl complained to the magistrate, how she was molested by the police of
Hasnabad Police Station (The Stateman (Calcutta), 7.5.85).
Aswini Kumar Sarangi of Gopiballavpur, Midnapore District, filed a
complaint against the Circle Inspector and 3 other policemen before the
Court of Sub-divisional Judicial Magistrate, Jhargram on 13 July 1988
about his son Subhankar Sarangi, who was tortured to death in police
custody.
Shekh Jahangir was arrested by the Maheshtala Police Station,
24-Parganas, on 30 June 1991, and brutally tortured by the police for
some days, which was witnessed by Mohammed Kalam, another prisoner in the
lock-up and their relatives. From 4 July 1991, Jahangir 'disappeared'
from the police custody, and there was no doubt that he was tortured to
death. Relatives of Jahangir, tried their best to know the fate of
Jahangir, wrote to the persons in authority, and on 9.12.91 the father of
Jahangir filed a petition before the High Court at Calcutta. Just after
that, there was an unprecedented police repression which forced the poor
people of Maheshtala to raise their voice against torture and repression.
It was unprecedented, because of, as far as the documents speak, the en
masse participation of the people in protest against police repression
and involvement of the police in drug-trafficking, which is rare in
recent past in its length and breadth. The police harrassed and
threatened the pepole and took many of them to torture in their custody.
Mohammed Kalam was the 'star witness' of 'Jahangir Case', thus he was
threatened to be killed. Kalam informed the persons in authority for the
protection of his life, but only in vain.
Finally, Kalam was killed by gangsters on 11 October 1992. Everyone knew,
it could happen, and it happened.
Rupesh Singh was arrested on 10 May 1992 by the New Township Police
Station, Durgapur Sub-Division, and tortured to death on 16 May 1992.
Newpapers alerted its readers : 'West Bengal returned to the turbulent
seventies with the arrest of a chemistry lecturer of Calcutta University,
Mr Kaushik Ganguly; a college student, Mr Tinku Ghosh; and Mr Parashar
Bhattcharja for "conspiring" against the state with PWG [People's War
Group] activists in Midnapore West.' [Statesman, 7.7.2002] Avijit Sinha
was arrested on 5.7.2002 and interrogated by the police of Medinipur
West, and allegedly committed suicide on 7.7.2002. Avijit's wife Manasi
Sinha moved the High Court at Calcutta against the police. [Pratidin,
10.7.2002; Telegraph, 31.8.2002]
But the newspapers did not report the repression and torture inflicted on
the large number of poor unpriviledged and 'non-intellectuals' in
villages. A team of various civil, democratic and human rights
organisations observed during 12-15 January 2003, in the name of
arresting 'Naxalites' (CPI-ML, People's War) activists, Bibekananda
Manki, Gurupada Soren and Kunu Manki of Lotojhorna village, Madhu Singh
of Dulukdi village, Sarat Murmu and Bhim Soren of Gurpana village, others
like Bahadur Mandi, Dashma Tudu, Subal Kisku, Lakshan Kisku, Kanailal
Kisku, Basudev Kisku, Sarat Murmu, Basi Baske and Kalipada Kisku of
Bogudoba village of the Banshpahari area, were arrested by the police,
and tortured in the Police Station, or other places or in the open-air in
Purulia and Medinipur districts, sometimes in presence of their sisters,
wives and mothers, who were also not always spared, like Ahladi Kisku and
Maino Baske of Bogudoba village. In Medinipur and Bankura districts,
Chanchala Sardar's house in Banshpahari was gutted by the police and from
the house of Bidubhusan Mahato (75) of Paluboni the police looted cash
and crops; women like, Behula Kalindi (35) of Pachapani and Archana
Mahato of Paluboni were assaulted on their modesty and tortured by the
police. There are also excuses of different 'terrorism' in other
districts. In Jalpaiguri district of North Bengal, Narendranath Burman of
Shuripara was arrested and tortured by the police.

Inhuman Custody
A report sent to the Human Rights Commission prepared by the state
detective department (CID) of police said that the employees of different
jails are forcibly collecting money from the prisoners. In a report, the
Commission found various corrupt practices in prison system of the state.
[Ananda Bazar, 5.8.1996]
On 1 August 2002, two undertrial prisoners suffocated and died in the
Malda court lock-up. According to the post-mortem report, asphyxiation
caused the death. At least 100 detainees had to be sent to hospital when
police crammed 262 of them in the small lock-up. [Statesman, 11.8.2002;
Telegraph, 6.8.2002; 1.9.2002] Agitated families of the prisoners of
Malda Jail said : "The jail staff ask for Rs.20 everytime we come to see
a relative. We have to pay Rs.40 if we bring home-cooked meals for them."
The Malda Jail houses 370 prisoners against its capacity of 299 inmates.
[Telegraph, 4.8.2002; 31.8.2002]
Ajay Mondal was arrested on the day before and allegedly hanged himself
on 30.8.2002 in the Bolpur Police Station of Birbhum district.
[Telegraph, 31.8.2002; Statesman, 1.9.2002; Ananda Bazar, 1.9.2002]
Ananda Bauri (25) died in the Asansol special jail hospital on 27.9.2002.
"Several prisoners in course of a four-day long marathon interview
revealed that Bauri was beaten up in custody by policemen before he was
lodged in the jail in the afternoon of September 26." [Telegraph,
3.10.2002]
'According to the West Bengal State Human Rights commission, 458 detenus
died in custody including 134 in police lock-up since 1995. The state
recorded the highest in 1999-2000 with 84 custodial deaths including 39
in police custody. Deaths in jail have gone up to 55 in 2001-2002.' [The
Times of India (Calcutta) 25.7.2002, HinduNet Inc. website]

Old Wine
A 'spokesman from the state judiciary department said the sudden spurt in
criminal activities had prompted the government to approach the apex
court to modify its judgement on the release of short-term convicts.'
[Telegraph, 4.8.2002]
The CPI-M Polit Bureau gave the chief minister of West Bengal full power
of taking decision of framing and adopting the preventive detention act
POCA, though some of the members of the government were in confusion.
[Pratidin, 28.8.2002]
'The Calcutta High Court has directed prison authorities to display
boards in front of all the jails across the state declaring the number of
prisoners, quality of food and clothing and nature of jobs being allotted
to them', after hearing of a petition moved in 1995. [Telegraph,
11.1.2003]

Crime Capital Calcutta
In 1982, in violence and brutality, West Bengal surpassed any other
states and the past and present history of India. On 30 April 1982, in
the broad daylight, at least 17 (15 male and 2 female) volunteers of
Anandamarg were brutally killed at the Bijon Setu (bridge) beside the
Bullygunge railway station, near the Kasba Police Station. While some of
the pro-government newspapers and magazines tried to evade the
responsibility CPI(M), vivid description of the incident by the witnesses
or readers clearly expose the nexus between criminals and rulers [for
example, Darpan, 7.5.1982].
Look at what Justice S.C. Deb of Deb Commision said about the death of
Idris Mian on 28 March 1984, in police custody: ''Brutal injuries were
inflicted on Idris at the time of interrogation and resulted in his
death, which is unnatural and homicidal. It is also culpable
homicide......As to motive, Idris was silenced forever either to shield
some corrupt big businessman and some police officers who were giving
protection to smugglers or he was intentionally killed to avenge the
murder of V.K.Mehta. Idris was deliberately killed by the Calcutta
Police.'' [The Telegraph, 19.9.89] This is the character of Calcutta
Police, and this report was also not a real threat to the tyranny in
West Bengal. A complete volume can only put the facts of torture and
repression in West Bengal together. Here I lay few obtrusive incidents to
heart.
Rita Baidya was arrested on 26.7.84, by the Dumdum Police Station for
extortion of information about her fiancй Swapan, who is wanted by the
police in connection with a bank robbery. Rita was subjected to torture
by 'electric shock' in police custody, and admitted at first to Dumdum
Hospital and then to the Howrah General Hospital. Doctors found the
symtoms of electric shock by examining Rita. The torturer-Police
Superintendent, Sultan Sing admitted that Rita was subjected to electric
shock (Jugantar (Calcutta), 4.8.84). It was found that the Superintendent
of Police possessed one instrument to inflict electric shock [Jugantar
(Calcutta), 5.8.84]. Superintendent of Police wanted an amicable
settlement in the case (Jugantar (Calcutta), 29.8.84). Rita complained to
the Chief Minister that her one hand had been benumbed by electric shock
by a 'hand-cranked dynamo' and her father was also brutally tortured by
the police (Jugantar (Calcutta), 31.8.84 ). Thus the exposure of the
torture was complete in details!
Residents of Jorasanko, Calcutta, set up roadblock on Tarak Paramanik
Road against the death of 22-year old Manohar Jaswal in police custody
(The Telegraph (Calcutta), 26.10.87).
Outside the court, Dr. S.P. Roychoudhury tried his best to investigate
the 'disappearance' of his 17-year old daughter Debasree from police
custody, and he was mysteriously killed on 16 September 1987. Debasree '
disappeared' from the police custody on 11-12 July 1986 (The Telegraph
(Calcutta), 27.9.87). This was an extraordinary case of 'disappearance'
of a girl from police custody. But the police could keep any movement
against this incident impotent.
A complaint was filed by Mrs. Bhagabati Devi, before the Additional Chief
Metropolitan Magistrate, Calcutta, against the Officer-in-Charge and
others of Burrabazar Police Station, alleging 'assault, house trespass,
unlawful assembly, outraging modesty of women, illegal and forcible
dispossession from the rooms' (The Statesman (Calcutta), 25.9.82).
In early 1983, the High Court at Calcutta began the suo motu 'Public
Interest Litigation' on the basis of a letter annexed with some
newspapers' reports on the death of the prisoner Santosh Bag on 8.1.83
and the condition of the prisoners in Dumdum Central Jail [Ajkal
(Calcutta), 12.1.83]. In this landmark case, the jurists visited the jail
and the newspapers were flooded with the photographs of interior of a
jail, first time in the history of West Bengal since 1947.
Chandan Chakravarty filed a complaint before the Sub-Divisional Judicial
Magistrate, Alipore, against the Office-in-Charge and other policemen of
the Bhawanipur Police Station, Calcutta for torturing Chandan on 16.7.83
[Aajkal (Calcutta), 25.8.83].
Kripasindhu Tewari filed a complaint before the Metropolitan Magistrate,
Calcutta, against the Officer-in-Charge and other policemen of Burrabazar
Police Station, for torturing his family members and outraging the
modesty of women (Aajkal (Calcutta), 21.9.83).
A complaint was filed by a peasant's wife Mrs. Laxmi Bera before the
Sub-Divisinal Judicial Magistrate of 24-Parganas, against 14 police
officers of the Tiljala Police Station, for indiscriminately shooting few
innocent men and women on 29.10.82, due to which Laxmi's husband Murari
Mohan Bera died, and Joydeb Mondal became invalid for life [Aajkal
(Calcutta), 30.4.83].
One Dilip Das died in the GRP lock-up at Sealdah Station on 14.10.1995.
[Ananda Bazar, 11.6.1996]
On 29.6.1996 , a female labourer was picked up and raped by a police
sergeant. Even the ordinary policemen think that the government has lost
control over the pro-government police force. [Ananda Bazar, 10.7.1996]
The District Judge, Alipore, visited the Bhawanipore police station for
investigating the circumstances that to the death of Subhas Das in the
police lock-up on 29.10.1995. [Ananda Bazar, 6.8.1996; Statesman,
6.8.1996]
Bapi Sen (35), a traffic police segeant, was battling for life in a
private hospital after being mercilessly beaten up by five off-duty
police constables when he protested against their vicious teasing of a
young women in central Calcutta on 1.1.2003. [Telegraph, 2.1.2003]

Primitive Orgy
The village 'heads' representing different political parties 'punished'
Khajema Bibi, a 30-year old house-wife of Rowshannagar of Murshidabad
district, on 24.1.2003 by beating her by clubs, hammering nails into her
knees, hitting her head with iron rod, bathing her mobil-oil, etc. etc.
On 26.1.2003, Republic Day, eleven 'heads' gathered at the village
'court' to judge the crime of adultery allegedly committed by the victim
Khajema. Again she was compelled to traverse nearly three kilometres in
the village, half-naked, brutally teased, tortured, half-dead, by the
heads' order. Complaint was lodged at police station, without effect.
[Pratidin, 9.2.2003]

Criminals and Nexus
In early November, 1982, the people of Tongtala, 24-Parganas District,
were fighting against the nexus of police with the country- liquor
businessmen, and when villagers were arbitrarily arrested and shot
injured, they beat the guilty police officer. Then started the massive
repression by the police on the entire village, for which all the male
villagers ran away from Tongtala. Only women and one old man remained in
the village, who were even to carry and burn any dead body. The police
robbed everything from the houses of the poor villagers, destroyed the
houses, tortured the village-folks (Paribartan (Calcutta,) 15.12.82).
On the basis of a complaint lodged by one Robin Paul, owner of a
tea-garden, National Commission of Human Rights (NHRC) has recommended
the government to take action. But a confidential government report,
along with others, stated that 'an IPS officer, attached with the NHRC,
is very close to Mr Paul.' [Telegraph, 24.7.1996]
Atrocities committed by policemen forced about 500 men of villages in the
Usthi police station area of South 24-Parganas to flee their homes in
July 1996, while people protested against the nexus between the police
and decoits. [Telegraph, 3.8.1996]
A policeman Dhruvajyoti Banerjee and his friends assaulted a blind girl
Rita Sau (20) and her parents at Tarapith of Birbhum. In an earlier
inquiry, the policeman was let off with a warning as he was
"well-connected". A further departmental proceeding found him guilty.
[Telegraph, 22.10.2002]
The WBCS (Executive) Officers' Association protested against the
suspension of a deputy magistrate Govinda Saha, accused of helping the
police causing the death of Babai Biswas at the Thakurpukur police
station on 8.4.1997, due to torture. [Ananda Bazar, 17.11.2002]
Sirazul Sardar, a constable of the Bally police station, had shot Ramduri
Yadav, a truck-driver, after the latter refused to him hafta (bribe) on
20.2.1992. The accused constable was an important funtionary of the
CPI-M-controlled Non-Gazetted Police Karmachari Samity in Howrah, and
evaded imprisonment and trial for ten years. [Telegraph, 11.12.2002]
In a complaint lodged with the Malda police on 17.3.2003, Dipali
Sarkar charged the six accused, including a CPI-M gram panchayat
member, with tying her to a pole in her backyard and then stripping
and thrashing her. [Telegraph, 20.3.2003.]
The last day of the year 2003 informed us that a very oldman Niranjan
Basu (87 years) was arrested allegedly for his connection with 'People's
War' group of CPI (ML), and for that kind of police campaign, and an
editorial of a newspaper expressed its fear with a heading 'We Don't Want
Seventies' : 'Past experience said, whenever an unlimited power was given
to the police or other armed forces to do something, in most of the
cases, the power was misused. The people were terrorized by
counter-violence used in the name of supressing violence. The innocent
people were tortured, due to the failure in identifying, arresting and
punishing actual 'criminals'. Repeatedly it was feared that in tackling
the People's War, the torture by police would be inflicted on the
innocent poor people. The facts are going towards that direction.'
[Pratidin, 31.12.2003].
The drama itself was totalitarian. On 26 January 2003, Buddhadev
Bhattacharya, the Chief Minister of West Bengal inaugurated the
larger-than-life-size bronze-statue of Indira Gandhi, the ex-Prime
Minister of India, at the new triangular park in Calcutta, facing the
Planetarium, surrounded by Cathedral Road, Shakespeare Sarani and
Jawaharlal Nehru Road.
Once, in 1977, the political parties of the ruling Left Front Government
of West Bengal managed to be victorious by campaigning with the single
issue against the misrule and repression instituted Indira Gandhi during
'Internal Emergency' of 1975-1977! At that time, Indira Gandhi was
equated by them to the Fascists or Semi--fascists.

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Bessie HensonBy:
Nature and EnvironmentIn:
Petition target:
Ruling party of West Bengal

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