Enquiry Commission to Investigate the Mass Murder of Indian Sikhs in 1984 sign now

To: United Nations Secretary General
Enquiry Committee for Truth and Justice
Under the auspices of the UN to comprehensively investigate
the mass murders of Indian Sikhs in 1984 and label it as genocide

Dear Mr. Secretary General,

We, humanists, human rights activists, majority of Indian population and citizens of this world call on your Excellency for a "Enquiry Committee for Truth and Justice under the auspices of the UN to comprehensively investigate the mass murders of Indian Sikhs in 1984 and label it as genocide as defined in the Genocide Convention and the relevant international law".

The Golden Temple at Amritsar is the holiest of Sikh Shrines. In 1984, the ruling Congress party of Indian government attacked it, killing thousands of innocent children, women and old men who were pilgrims in the temple. Major portions of the complex were destroyed.

The Indian government in addition to the attack on this most important temple, also simultaneously attacked 31 other Sikh temples throughout the State of Punjab.

In November 1984, thousands of Sikhs were killed, or burnt alive in front of their families by the roving mobs of Congress party workers with the connivance of leaders of Congress Party, which ruled India. Those murders were pre-planned and carried out systematically in the Indian Capital, Delhi. Indian Government owned and run television was used to broadcast inflammatory slogans against Sikhs before the massacre happened. In one of the saddest chapters in the history of humanity, innocent Sikhs were doused with petrol and burnt alive. Rajiv Gandhi, the newly appointed Prime Minister justified these killings as expected occurrences when a significant event takes place.

The vicious planning was executed with the support of the government, police and law enforcing personnel. The design and execution of these two major tragedies have been sufficiently documented by various Human Rights groups. Several Ministers in the Congress Government have been named as perpetrators of the ghastly murders. They are ongoing reminders to all the peaceful and just people of the world that holocaust of innocent people did not just end with the Jews during the Nazi Germany. Even after 20 years, the Indian govt continues to label those murders as acts of sporadic and communal violence in India following the assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi.

On April 30, the Indian Express reported the declaration and reported that former foreign secretary J.N. Dixit in India (now a Congress politician) refused to agree that what had happened in 1984 in India could be termed as genocide. He said that India would never agree to such an Enquiry. They will first have to seek our permission if the Commission wants to carry out any investigations. We will never allow such a thing. It is motivated mischief by some people and should be nipped in the bud, Dixit said. We deplore the shocking stance of J.N. Dixit and call upon the United Nations to do the same.

Mr. Secretary General, you can see the denial and the continued arrogance of Indian Government leaders, who do not care about United Nations or World opinion.

Although we are convinced that the 1984 tragedy was nothing less than a full-scale genocide of Sikhs in India, we realize that a full UN Investigation must take place to categorize it as an act of genocide. We appeal to your Excellency for a Enquiry Committee for Truth and Justice under the auspices of the UN. We also protest the appointment of Jagdish Tytler, a person named as a leader of murderous mobs, as a Minister in the current government and appeal that your Excellency set up an international tribunal to try Jagdish Tytler and others named as perpetrators of the genocide. We further appeal that Congress party, BJP, Shiv Sena, RSS, Bajrang Dal are declared terrorist parties when the accusations are proven.



84 riots: Tytler led mob
New Delhi, January 17
Senior Congress leader Jagdish Tytler had led a mob that killed two Sikhs at a Gurdwara in the walled city and also burnt the shrine during the 1984 riots, an eyewitness told the Justice Nanavati Commission today. Mr. Surinder Singh, who was the then Head Granthi of Gurdwara Pulbangash near Azad Market, said the mob, led by Congress M.P. Jagdish Tytler, attacked the shrine a day after the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
He incited the mob to burn the Gurdwara and kill Sikhs, the witness said in an affidavit filed before the commission probing the riots that followed the assassination of Indira Gandhi.
The mob carrying lathis, iron rods and kerosene attacked the Gurdwara and set it on fire on being incited by Mr. Tytler, he said.
The rioters, he said, killed Thakur Singh, a retired Delhi police Inspector who was an employee of the Gurdwara management committee. The mob also burnt alive Badal Singh, a Gurdwara sewadar, by putting a burning tire around his neck, he added.
The witness told the commission that rioters were raising slogans like khoon ka badla khoon se lenge, Sardar gaddar hain, Mar do jala do. Some people in the mob were carrying Congress flags, he added.
I was watching the entire incident helplessly from the top floor of the Gurdwara. The Gurdwara was set on fire but the blaze had not reached the top floor, he said.
Mr. Surinder Singh said some Muslim neighbors rescued him and his family members in the night. After a week, when he returned to his house, he found that his house was also looted by the mob.
Mr. Tytler, he said, came back to the Gurdwara on November 10 and asked him to put his signatures on two sheets of paper which I refused to sign. Social activist Jaya Shrivastava, who also appeared before the commission today, said on the basis of her post-riot visits to various colonies and camps in the Capital she concluded that the communal violence was organized.
Ms Shrivastava said: Most colonies were attacked at about the same time, means for killing and arson were readily available, and in most cases the police played a dubious role.
The Sikhs had removed nameplates from their houses to avoid the fury of rioters, but surprisingly the mobs reached the particular houses with certainty, the witness told the panel.
In all, there seemed to be a sickening methodology behind the intensely tragic episode, she said. UNI

Recently, four members of the European Parliament called for an investigation into the events of 1984 in which tens of thousands of Sikhs were killed. Green Party MEPs (Members of the European Parliament) Jean Lambert (London) and Caroline Lucas (South-East England) called for a UN (United Nations) investigation into whether the wave of violence against Indian Sikhs in 1984 constituted genocide.

Lucas stated: "Following a military raid on the Sikh's holiest site, the Golden Temple in Amritsar, and the subsequent assassination of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards in 1984, a wave of violence left hundreds of thousands dead in the Punjab and major Indian cities. The atrocities have been well documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others. Sikhs themselves describe the slaughter as 'their genocide' - but a full UN investigation has never taken place."

The declaration formally called for A Enquiry Committee for Truth and Justice under the auspices of the UN to comprehensively investigate whether the slaughter to which the Sikhs were subjected in India in 1984, constitutes genocide as defined in the Genocide Convention and the relevant international law.

Lambert, a member of the European Parliament's Civil Liberties Committee stated, "It is vital that an investigation is conducted into whether the massacre of Indian Sikhs in 1984 constitutes genocide in international law. Many of those affected and their families have sought refuge in England - and we must ensure truth and justice prevails."


Appendix 3: Spectrum--THE TRIBUNE INDIA , SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2003

Come November and people remember its fourth day. That was the day when the anti-Sikh genocide occurred. And recalling that brings back memories of 1984, the year it all happened. It was a year that scarred a nations soul. It was a year that witnessed Operation Bluestar, the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the anti-Sikh genocide and the ascendancy of Rajiv Gandhi as Indias Prime Minister. It was a year that will be remembered for decades to come. This is what I remember of 1984, recounts Rajinder Puri.

I was a freelance journalist and wrote a regular column for Bombays Sunday Observer. Jitendra Tuli, a former journalist and close friend, was working with WHO. He approached me and asked if anything could be done to defuse the tension in Punjab. Apart from journalism, I had dabbled in politics, and focused somewhat on Punjab.

"Of course," I snorted. "If the government wants to, it can easily settle the dispute!"

"I knew you would say that", he said. "Rajiv Gandhi would like to settle it. Would you meet him?"

"Has he said that he wants to meet me?" I asked suspiciously. Over the years my articles on the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty had not been exactly flattering.

"Yes. He really does want to solve this problem! If you can be of any help that would be great!"

We agreed to meet with Rajiv. There was no question of my visiting him of course, or of him visiting me. We decided to meet at the residence of a mutual friend of Tuli and Rajiv, Romi Chopra. I had a nodding acquaintance with Romi. Some years earlier I had an office in the same building where he worked as an advertising executive.

I met with Rajiv, Tuli, Romi and his father at the latters residence. The elder Chopra had worked in the protocol division of the External Affairs Ministry. He had been acquainted with Pandit Nehru and Indira Gandhi. In spite of the deference with which Romi and his father treated Rajiv, it was clear that Rajiv had affection for both. He protested but weakly before polishing off mushrooms on toast plied to him by Romi.

The atmosphere was cosy. To make conversation, we talked of this and that. There was a brief reference to Farooq Abdullah. Rajiv said that Farooq wanted to meet him, but he was not sure if he should. He said this with a thoughtful frown. It seemed to me that he was enjoying his role and hadnt yet got over becoming a political celebrity. I remember talking about panchayati raj with him. He wondered if villagers were yet ready to govern themselves.

"Thats the only way they will learn to fight the mafia that exists in each village and district," I said. At the mention of the word, mafia, his head jerked and his eyes swivelled towards me . It occurred to me then that we use the word loosely. With his Italian connection he understood something quite different by it.

We finally talked about the subject that had brought us together. The reference to Punjab was brief. He said that Mrs Gandhi would accept any reasonable solution proposed by Bhindranwale and Longowal. "Try and get something quickly," he said. I assured him that I would. I promised to contact him immediately on my return. On that note we parted.

I had met Bhindranwale only once before. At that meeting we had a long discussion after which I wrote a column on the subject. In our first meeting Bhindranwale had been at great pains to say that he was not a terrorist. The Press continued to describe him as one, he said angrily. "Will you write that I am not a terrorist?" he had asked.

"Yes, I will", I said. And I did. Bhindranwale gave me a long account of how the government had discriminated against the Sikhs because it refused to appoint a commission of Enquiry despite dozens of Sikhs being slaughtered by the Nirankaris at the Mehta Chowk incident.

For my meeting to be useful I knew that it would not suffice to meet him as a journalist. Bhindranwale had to be alerted about the mission on which I was coming. My elder brother, Prikshat, was a general in the Army. He was Engineer-in-Chief at Army Headquarters. Bhindranwales elder brother, Captain Harcharan Singh Rode, was posted at Jalandhar and served under Brigadier Sukhi Randhawa, also of the Engineers.

I asked my brother for assistance. He telephoned Brigadier Randhawa who explained the problem to Captain Rode. The captain agreed to help. He said he would alert Bhindranwale about the purpose of the visit. Then he would personally escort me to the Golden Temple where Bhindranwale was staying.

Through another political channel I had arranged to meet Longowal. He too had been briefed about the purpose of my visit. Both Longowal and Bhindranwale stayed in different parts of the Golden Temple complex. There was smouldering hostility between the two. The Akalis had appointed Longowal to lead the struggle against the government.

Captain Rode left me in the waiting room and went inside to confer with his brother. Within minutes he returned and asked me to enter and meet Bhinranwale. "Take all the time you want," he said. He warmly shook my hand and left for Jalandhar. After my meetings with Bhindranwale and Longowal I would return by train to Delhi. I had earlier checked into a hotel for an overnight stay.

Bhindranwale was alone in the room. I told him about my meeting with Rajiv. We talked for over 70 minutes. He summoned all the demons that tortured his mind. There was a conspiracy to eliminate and subvert the Khalsa, he said. Otherwise why would the Hindu government in Delhi have protected the Nirankaris? The Nirankari Guru insulted the Guru Granth Sahib, he said. He sat at a higher elevation than the Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh holy scriptures, while giving his public discourses. Why did the government not act against the Nirankaris after they massacred innocent Sikhs at Mehta Chowk...?

The words tumbled out like a rambling river of woes. "Look at the Jews," he said. "They are less than a crore surrounded by crores and crores of Arabs. The Jews keep the Arabs at bay. There are over two crore Sikhs. You think the Sikhs bone is weaker than the Jews bone ?"

"Of course not," I said. "Look, if the Sikhs really want to create Khalistan and are prepared to die for it, I have little doubt they will succeed. But what do they really want? What do you want? Do you want Khalistan?"

"I have never asked for Khalistan," he said. "But if they give me Khalistan on a golden plate, I wont refuse it!"

"Thats clear then, " I said. "You dont want Khalistan! So what do you want?"

"I want to protect the identity, honour and tradition of the Khalsa, " he declared with some passion.

"Okay", I said. "That means preserving the spiritual tradition of the Khalsa. That is the mission of a true sant. You do that. The Sikh youth look up to you. They will heed you. Demand a radio and TV channel from the Golden Temple. Look after the spiritual side of the Sikh race. Why bog yourself down with petty political issues like the sharing of river waters and the status of Chandigarh? Why not let Longowal look after these and bargain with the government? Your task is higher. You must address yourself to Sikhs all over the world!" He thought for a while. "Very well," he said. "You can tell the Dictator to hammer any settlement with the government. I wont come in the way." By Dictator he meant Longowal, who had been appointed leader of the Akali struggle. He used the word Dictator with some slight contempt.

"Can I tell him that?"

"Yes, you have my word."

After a few perfunctory remarks, I departed. I was elated. I was confident that Longowal would cooperate. His main hurdle had been cleared.

The next day I called on Longowal. I reached at the appointed hour. There were a couple of Akalis in the room. One of them said that Longowal was in the bath, and asked me to wait. I knew what was happening. Longowal knew that I had already met Bhindranwale. By making me wait he was showing my place and his! I could not help observing the difference between the Sikhs surrounding Bhindrawale and those surrounding Longowal. Bhindranwales lieutenants were youths, mostly with fair skins, some with light eyes, sporting swords and spears, wearing saffron turbans and coarse tunics over bare legs. They had an air or innocence mingled with intensity, so often seen among fanatics and true believers. The men around Longowal were fat and sleek, with blue turbans, dressed in polyster tunics and pyjamas. They looked like conference-hall politicians.

After an hour had passed, Longowal entered the room. He greeted me politely. "I was washing my hair," he murmured. "Sorry to keep you waiting."

I assured him that it was alright. "I said. "I thought it better to first get a blanket assurance from him that he would not object to proposals put up by you. He has agreed. After all he is not political. You have to protect the political interests of Punjab."

Longowals face softened and he looked pleased. After that it was smooth sailing. We talked for an hour. We talked of politics and politicians. We deplored the current crop of politicians. We talked about the Partition. How the British had manipulated events. "If just fifty leaders had been eliminated in 1947, India would have remained united," he said.

Eventually we came to the minimum demands of the Sikhs for a settlement with the Central Government. I cannot recall the exact demands, but they were unexceptionable. Something about the river waters, the status of Chandigarh, the principles by which the future of Abohar and Fazilka might be settled, broadcasting facilities for the Golden Temple, declaring the immediate area around the Golden Temple a holy place with some administrative rights for the Golden Temple authorities, and other mundane issues. For the most part, Longowal wanted to abide by previous, or future, adjunction by the courts. He appeared eminently reasonable.

Going by the meetings with both Bhindranwale and Longowal, a settlement seemed to be clinched. I buoyantly returned to Delhi to apprise Rajiv of these developments.

* * *

Just a few hours hours after Mrs Gandhi was killed on October 31, I visited the Bharatiya Janata Party office at Ashok Road. I was a member of its National Executive. There was a hushed atmosphere in the room. L.K. Advani thought there would be tremendous sympathy for the Congress. The partys Punjab leader, Baldev Prakash, echoed this sentiment. Others thought that public grief would know no bounds. I had already toured parts of the city by car. I found no grief even though people knew she had been killed. This surprised me. I shared my experience with the BJP leaders. Vijay Kumar Malhotra said I must be mistaken. I must have confused shocked silence with lack of grief.

"Come with me and Ill take you around," I said. We got into my car and drove around. We stopped at different places and asked people if they knew what had happened. The response we got at a petrol station where I stopped to fill my car was typical.

I asked the petrol station attendant in a hushed tone, "Have you heard the news?" He continued his chore without batting an eye. He said laconically, "You mean about her being shot? Yes, we have heard."

Vijay was as stunned as I was by the strange public apathy and unconcern over the assassination. When I dropped Vijay at the party office, he got out of the car without a word. This total apathy continued for almost the whole day. Then a relative of Arjun Das, a close follower of Sanjay Gandhi, stabbed a Sikh in one part of the city. Around the same time President Zail Singh, a Sikh, visited the All India Medical Institute where Mrs Gandhis body lay. A few miscreants stoned his car.

The next day the anti-Sikh riots began. It was a systematic massacre. Sikh homes were earmarked, and then torched. Sikhs were pulled out of their homes and killed or burnt alive. I witnessed the carnage at several places. A mob burnt a shop near Regal Cinema in Connaught Place while a policeman looked on silently.

"Why dont you stop them?" I snarled.

He shrugged. "What can I do?" he said with a smirk. This continued for several days. I visited Atal Behari Vajpayees residence at Raisina Road. From the verandah where we stood, we heard a mob intercepting a car outside on the street. We rushed to the gate. Some of Vajpayees aides accompanied us. There were urchins and youths with a can of petrol surrounding a car. Vajpayee shouted from the gate. I advanced menacingly towards the urchins mouthing vile expletives in Punjabi. The urchins evaporated. We returned inside. Later I learnt that the same mob went farther and set fire to a car with a Sikh locked inside. He was burnt alive.

If the police wanted, the situation could have been controlled easily. In fact, I witnessed policemen urging lumpen youth from shanty colonies to burn and loot. The miscreants were seen carrying TV sets and other articles from burning shops while policemen watched benignly. I visited the dwellers of Pandu Nagar, a shanty colony near Patel Nagar.

One ragged youth told me, "We keep awake all night fearing the Sikhs will attack us!"

"But it is you who have terrorised the Sikhs and burnt their shops," I said.

"Yes," he said. "Thats why we fear they will come at night to take revenge!"

The Sikhs were in no position to take revenge. Along with Ram Jethmalani, I visited the camps set up for homeless Sikhs. They were outnumbered and terrorised. I visited some of the worst sites like Khichripur in East Delhi where poor defenceless Sikhs were brutally killed while their wives and children watched. The rich Sikhs of Punjabi Bagh and South Delhi lost homes, shops and factories. The poor Sikhs living in shanties and resettlement colonies lost lives. And this was all done by mobs from poor slums and shanty colonies, with the police watching silently.

The Army offered to control the situation at the first signs of an ugly situation. The government bluntly ordered the Army to desist. Only after the carnage, after more than three thousand Sikhs had been slaughtered, after forty to fifty thousand had been rendered homeless, did the government take steps to stop the violence. Once the government moved in, the violence stopped almost immediately.

The government did not, as it normally does, promptly announce a commission of Enquiry to probe the genocide. Private inquiries by public-spirited citizens of repute did the job. The Peoples Union of Democratic Rights (PUDR) and the Peoples Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL) jointly conducted a probe. The various unofficial inquiries came to a common conclusion. Congress Party leaders had conspired to unleash the genocide.

The Congress itself projected a very different view. In a public speech after the genocide, Rajiv Gandhi said: "When a big tree falls, the earth trembles!" Years later a Sikh in Chandigarh, Sher Singh Sher, recounted in a public speech Gandhis words and then tauntingly asked: "Were there only Sikhs sitting under that tree?"

Rajiv Gandhi in a public speech in Bihar on December 2, less than a month after the genocide, said that the same extremist elements that killed Indira Gandhi later engineered riots in Delhi to destabilise the nation. In subsequent speeches he repeated this. He said that a deep-rooted conspiracy to assassinate his mother was financed by outside sources. In other words, he alleged that the assassination and the genocide were part of a single conspiracy.

If Rajiv Gandhi is to be believed does it not follow that the general election that immediately followed these events was also a part of the same conspiracy? For over two weeks during the election campaign, close on the heels of the genocide, the government TV channelthere were no cable channels thenrepeatedly showed the same scene on TV screens across the nation. Congress sympathisers surrounding Indira Gandhis dead body chanted: "Blood to avenge blood!"

As a result of the mass hysteria generated, a political novice obtained the largest mandate ever accorded to any leader in independent India. Rajiv Gandhi won with a substantially bigger majority than either Pandit Nehru or Indira Gandhi ever did. Going by Rajiv Gandhis logic, if there was indeed a single conspiracy behind the assassination and the genocide, its biggest beneficiary was Rajiv Gandhi himself.

Thus did 1984 end. It became a defining moment in the history of India. Seven years later, Rajiv Gandhi himself was assassinated. A woman who was a human bomb, sent by the LTTE on a suicide mission, staying in a house owned by a prominent Congress leader, walked up to Rajiv Gandhi in a public meeting to take his life. From being the unwitting beneficiary of conspiracy, Rajiv Gandhi became its victim.

Excerpts from an article being published by a new magazine, National Review in its forthcoming issue.


Appendix 4:

Posted by Bhupinder_ Singh on Tuesday, 10/12/2004 7:35 AM MDT

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Please see the following link:http://www.voicesforfreedom.org/hrabuse/phoolka/HRLawyerThreatened.htm11 October 2004HUMAN RIGHTS LAWYER AND ACTIVIST THREATENED, ABUSED AND DEFAMED BY INDIAN GOVERNMENT MINISTER ON NATIONAL TVTo The International Community,Harvinder Singh Phoolka, 49, a prominent human rights activist and advocate of the Supreme Court of India, who has fought tirelessly to seek justice for victims of the November 1984 Carnage, received threats to his life and was publicly abused and defamed on national Indian television by Jagdish Tytler, an Indian Government minister, against whom a prima facie has been alleged for leading and inciting a mob during the Carnage in Delhi.Mr. Singh has filed a criminal complaint for defamation under Sections 499/500 of the Indian Penal Code in the Court of the Chief Judicial Magistrate, Ludhiana, Panjab. VFF is shocked that Mr. Tytler, the Indian Union Minister for Non Resident Indians, continues to be in office after he threatened, abused and defamed Mr. Singh on live national television on 7 September 2004. Mr. Tytlers behavior fell well below the standards of a person in public office. Mr. Tytler called Mr. Singh a liar, a blackmailer, who was acting dishonestly and who has rendered the so-called help to the victims for money. Mr. Tytler went on to threaten, scare and silence Mr. Singh by saying: You would not have been alive You are gone. After the TV cameras were switched off, Mr. Tytler continued intimidating the complainant and said, Now I will finish you.Voices For Freedom (VFF) is deeply concerned for the safety and well being of Mr. Singh, who in his complaint says that Mr. Tytler clearly conveyed his intention to liquidate the complainant (Mr. Singh) and by doing so he has tried to instill fear and sense of insecurity in the mind of the complainant. VFF is concerned that this public threat was not just an act of bravado and calls on the global community to take a serious view of it. Mr. R. S. Narula, former Chief Justice, Panjab and Haryana High Court, has written to the Indian Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, expressing concern about Mr. Tytlers conduct. The behaviour of Union Minister Sh. Jagdish Tytler, shouting, screaming and threatening openly on a National Channel is unbecoming of a Union Minister. I request you to kindly intervene and take appropriate action, he said. Mr. Singh has been instrumental in collecting eyewitness evidence and acting as leading counsel for the victims of the Carnage before two Commissions of Enquiry - the Misra Commission and the Nanavati Commission.Mr. Singh was a moving force behind each and every legal battle on this issue. He has conscientiously followed the cases for the last 20 years and was instrumental in the appointment of the Nanawati commission.On the basis of the evidence placed before the Nanavati Commission and the arguments addressed by Mr. Singh, the Nanavati Commission had issued notices under Section 8B of the Commission of Enquiry Act, 1952 to at least a dozen prominent persons and senior members of the police force. One such prominent person was Mr. Tytler, who was the then a Member of Parliament and member of the Congress party in Delhi. The Notice to show cause was issued because the Commission found that there was a prima facie case against Mr. Tytler based on the eyewitness report of Mr. Surinder Singh, a head granthi (priest) of a Sikh Gurdwara a (place of worship) who said in his affidavit that during the November 1984 Carnage, he saw Mr. Tytler incite and lead a mob of rioters to burn the Gurdwara and kill Sikhs. He said that on being incited by the Mr. Tytler the mob attacked and burnt the Gurdwara, killing Sikhs.The Nanavati Commission is expected to publish its findings by December 2004. In November 1984 an anti-Sikh carnage took place in Delhi and other parts of India, after the assassination of late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 31st October 1984. 2733 (Government figure) innocent Sikhs were slaughtered in Delhi in just 72 hours (say one murder every one and a half minute). It was genocide or near genocide of the Sikhs in the capital city of India. In terms of the span of time and the territory wherein such a huge number of Sikhs were killed, it far exceeds and dims the memory of horrifying incidents of partition of India in the year 1947. It belies common sense and shatters the faith of any law-abiding citizen in the criminal justice system of the country that the guilty of such heinous crimes were roaming scot-free without any fear of law or law enforcement agencies in the same areas, where they indulged in these nefarious acts. In these circumstances, Mr. Singh felt duty-bound to advance and espouse the cause of the victims at various Forums at any cost or risk whatsoever.Mr. Singhs involvement began when he was moved by what he saw when he had visited a relief camp, which had been set up for the victims of the November 1984 Carnage at Farsh Bazar, East Delhi. He, to his utter dismay, found that there was hardly any legal assistance being made available to the helpless victims. Mr. Singh, on seeing the miserable plight of the victims, then a 29 year-old lawyer, saw it as his moral responsibility to provide free legal aid and assistance to the victims. Accordingly, Mr. Singh has been providing them free legal aid and not only conducting their cases in various Courts himself but has also actively followed up and taken keen interest in each and every major legal battle concerning the victims of the said carnage. WHAT HAPPENED ON TV Before the relay of the said live telecast, channel NDTV had released an interview with Justice G.T. Nanavati, who heads a Commission of Enquiry of the same name, who had said that there was evidence which also implicated Jagdish Tytler in the November 84 Carnage. NDTV Channel had invited Mr. Singh for a discussion on the general issue as to why in India whenever large-scale riots take place, the guilty are not punished. This issue had assumed importance contemporarily in view of the witnesses turning hostile in the infamous Best Bakery Case relating to the Gujarat riots in the year 2002. Mr. Tytler was also invited to participate in the television discussion. The television presenter initiated the discussion asking why the guilty whether in Delhi or Gujarat were not punished. The presenter asked Mr. Tytler why was it common for witnesses to turn hostile. Mr. Tytler, instead of proceeding with the discussion, started shouting and leveling imputations against Mr. Singh alleging that Mr. Singh was a liar, a blackmailer, who was acting dishonestly and who had rendered the so-called help to the victims for money only. A videocassette containing complete video recording of the TV programs (in Hindi and English) may be viewed at links shown below.According to the complaint filed by Mr. Singh, the defamatory statements made by Mr. Tytler against Mr. Singh in the television programs were:-People like him (Mr. Singh) who make money out of this are accusing this thing. He (Mr. Singh) has made money. He (Mr. Singh) is blackmailing people. He (Mr. Singh) black mailed me.But this man (Mr. Singh) who has no credibility.You (Mr. Singh) have no credibility, You (Mr. Singh) have no credibility, You (Mr. Singh) have no credibility. You (Mr. Singh)are blackmailer. You are blackmailer. He (Mr. Singh) has blackmailed the people. He (Mr. Singh) blackmailed widows widows blackmailer. Aray chal!Aray jao ! You (Mr. Singh) are gone. You (Mr. Singh) are a liar. You are discredited man. You (Mr. Singh) are (sic) eaten money out of the widows. You (Mr. Singh) have taken money out of the widows. Yes, yes.I am come here only to I wanted to expose this man (pointing towards Mr. Singh) otherwise I would have never been here.ATTACHMENTS Below you will find documents relevant to this case for your information. Letter from Justice Narula: A letter sent from Justice Narula to Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh about Mr. Tytlers threats against Mr. Phoolka: http://www.voicesforfreedom.org/hrabuse/phoolka/justicenarula.htmX-Factor VideoVideo coverage of the X-Factor television show, aired on Sept. 7, 2004, with Mr. Tytler and Mr. Phoolka. MPEG FORMAT: Approx 99.40 Mb http://www.voicesforfreedom.org/hrabuse/phoolka/video/NDTVThreat.mpg(Warning) Wave File Format size : Approx 1.48 Gb http://www.voicesforfreedom.org/hrabuse/phoolka/video/ndtv.wmv(File must be downloaded and opened in Windows Media Player)Complaint Full-TextThe full-text of Mr. H.S. Phoolkas complaint as filed in the Court of Chief Judicial Magistrate in Ludhiana, Punjab, on September 27, 2004http://www.voicesforfreedom.org/hrabuse/phoolka/CourtCaseFiledInLudhiana.htmThe incident was reported in Express News Line Service(Courtesy Express News Line Service

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link for forum with title